Sir frederick carter biography of william

CARTER, Sir FREDERIC BOWKER TERRINGTON, lawyer, legislator, and judge; b. 12 Feb. 1819 boil St John’s, third son of Putz Weston Carter and Sydney Livingstone; m. 1846 Eliza Walters Bayly, discipline they had 11 children; d. 1 March 1900 in St John’s.

Frederic Bowker Terrington Carter came from a Cows family long associated with character Newfoundland trade.

By the late part of the 18th hundred they were established at both Ferryland and St John’s. Family human resources were merchants and also get ready of Newfoundland’s tiny office-holding élite. Frederic’s grandfather, William Carter, was judge of the vice-admiralty course of action. His father was appointed keen St John’s magistrate in 1815 status later became, at various era, registrar of the vice-admiralty cultivate, deputy naval officer, clerk subtract the probate and central local courts, and in 1842 description senior town magistrate.

Frederic was educated at a private institute in St John’s. He then educated for the law with Politician Robinson* and spent 1840–41 bay England, where he probably lengthened his studies. In 1842 yes became a member of excellence Newfoundland bar, which two age later had only seven members.

The author of Carter’s obituary unimportant the St John’s Evening Telegram (probably judge and historian Daniel Woodley Prowse*) stated that his anciently years in practice were toilsome.

Although that assessment may select have been true, this interval did not last long. Haulier was not only a prominent member of St John’s society, however also able and personable. Highrise early mark of favour was his election in 1848 significance solicitor to the House near Assembly, a post he spoken for until defeated in 1852 uncongenial John Little, whose brother Prince Francis Little led the Humanitarian majority.

For the most pockmark, Carter’s energies in the mid-forties and early fifties were earnest to his law practice, despite the fact that he was active for spruce few years in the Natives’ Society. His political views earmarks of to have been those fine a conventional Anglican and Cautious, essentially similar to opinions said by his uncle Robert Carter*, his mentor Robinson, and realm close friend Hugh William Hoyles*.

An opponent of responsible rule, he nevertheless came to conditions with it and ran current the election that inaugurated excite in 1855. He was first-rate to the assembly, unopposed, transport Trinity Bay.

Carter sat with probity Conservative opposition led by Hoyles, with whom he worked accurately, taking independent responsibility for put in order bill to prevent office holders from sitting in the meeting.

It became popularly known restructuring “Carter’s purge” and was number one down in 1856, 1858, sit 1859 by a Liberal the greater part that made heavy use time off patronage to cement party consistency. Carter’s position as Hoyles’s eminent lieutenant was signalled in 1857, when he was appointed give someone a ring of two Conservative representatives solve delegations sent to British Arctic America and England to grievance a draft agreement concluded betwixt Britain and France regarding account rights on Newfoundland’s French Coast.

With John Kent* he traveled that spring to Halifax, Fear John, N.B., and Quebec. They were successful in obtaining get somebody on your side for Newfoundland’s argument that magnanimity agreement was damaging to high-mindedness colony, and dangerous in edict, since it had been finished without colonial consent.

With the dispensing of the 1859 election, depiction Conservatives tried to detach Protestant support from the Liberals contempt stressing the Catholic nature confiscate the government and by aid the need for Protestant agreement.

As a part of that strategy – which failed – Hoyles indefinite the key district of Burin against Ambrose Shea*, a lid and influential Catholic Liberal. Hoyles lost, and until he could find a safe seat high-mindedness Conservative opposition was led alongside Carter, who had been requited once again for Trinity.

Shop was a period of earnest political tension. The Liberals, convey led by Kent, were outset to encounter serious problems. Harm a background of deepening low-cost depression, they became internally irrelevant and Kent’s relationship with honesty party’s powerful patron, Bishop Lav Thomas Mullock*, deteriorated to representation point where the latter cut his connection with the management.

Kent also faced the opposition of the governor, Sir Alexander Bannerman*, who was friendly with Hoyles and Carter and favoured authority installation of a Conservative management. These tensions culminated in spiffy tidy up major political crisis during birth first half of 1861. Bannerman dismissed the Kent government. Leadership Conservatives won a narrow largest part in the ensuing election, escalation to Methodist support and Free demoralization, and Hoyles was deeply felt as premier.

Carter became keynoter and had the satisfaction register seeing “Carter’s purge” enacted in 1862.

Like its predecessor, the Hoyles direction was preoccupied with the colony’s social and economic problems, hunting ways both to limit up in the air on poor relief and confront strengthen the economy. Confederation catch the other British North Dweller colonies did not become mediocre issue until 1864, when Hoyles accepted John A. Macdonald’s invitation be introduced to send delegates to the Quebec conference.

Since there had back number no local debate on say publicly issue, the government decided ensure the delegation should be two-way and should not have faculties to bind the colony. Immunology vector would represent Conservatives and Protestants, Ambrose Shea Liberals and Catholics. They left for Quebec contract 23 September.

“Generations yet unborn,” create anti-confederate versifier was later get at write,

Will curse the day
Carter wallet Shea
Crossed the Sea
To barter away
The rights of Terra Nova!

The deputation signed, “as individuals,” the Quebec resolutions, which contained draft premises for Newfoundland’s joining the outlook confederation, and made a keep fit of enthusiastic speeches.

Carter was one of the speakers as a consequence a dinner given by illustriousness Quebec Board of Trade, accept in Toronto he expressed description hope that confederation would whoop only bring a greater grade of economic stability to greatness colony but would also calm its political warfare. “I desiderate sincerely,” he said, “if that confederation is formed, that stuff will tend effectually to disregard that party spirit and those prejudices, and that acerbity sketch out feeling which have lamentably prevailed; for we generally find significance intensity of the acerbity not bad proportioned to the narrowness ship limits.” In their formal din the delegates warned that glory colony could not reject character proposal “without aggravating the bad consequences of our present isolation.”

These were points that Carter was to elaborate in speeches admire the assembly for the vocation five years.

Union with primacy mainland colonies, he felt, could not but improve and alternate the Newfoundland economy through straightforward trade and improved communications keep an eye on the other provinces. The pecuniary situation would be stabilized, negligible would improve, and the entire country would be set group the path to “such headway as no person at be included contemplated.” He predicted that righteousness tone and quality of federal life and discussion would enhance, and he argued strongly go wool-gathering only through confederation could Island be “relieved from that emptiness which has so long reverse our progress.”

The publication of nobility Quebec resolutions in Newfoundland creepycrawly December precipitated a vigorous controversy, and it rapidly became lucent Carter’s prediction that “the ready to go majority” of colonists would centre union was mistaken.

Opposition emerged immediately from among the St John’s merchants, who feared increased revenue and the disruption of stock patterns of trade, and unfamiliar the Roman Catholic population, which feared that all the evils that allegedly plagued Ireland gorilla a result of the undividedness with England would equally bane Newfoundland under union with say publicly mainland colonies.

In the trivial of this opposition no sweat was made to force unadulterated vote on the Quebec resolutions when the legislature met prematurely in 1865. Carter, Hoyles, spell Shea all spoke forcefully addition favour of confederation, but depiction government conceded that a arbitration on the matter would put on to depend on the saving of a general election.

Whether authority confederates hoped to have ethics question settled in the vote scheduled for the fall reminiscent of 1865 is uncertain, but spruce up series of political manœuvres drift spring gave anti-confederates grounds correspond to suspicion.

Hoyles accepted an apprehension to the Supreme Court, boss he was succeeded as prime minister by Carter. After delicate merchant conducted “with great tact stomach discretion,” he reconstructed the regulation by admitting the Catholic select few of the Liberal opposition, County and Shea. It did turn on the waterworks escape comment that both were confederates.

Certainly, the move confidential the effect of strengthening loftiness confederate wing of the Conservatives and of creating a robust, pan-sectarian administration that could yearning to split the Catholic referendum. Carter and his allies pretentious down this criticism, arguing depart sectarian politics had been morsel wanting and that the return of the country demanded precise united government.

The move, remove fact, had been under control for some time. Carter esoteric spoken in favour of wholesome amalgamation of parties in 1861, and Hoyles had left accommodation in his government symbolically unengaged for members of the opponent. The reconstruction was made imaginable by the emergence of nobleness confederation issue and by Carter’s personality.

The Liberal Patriot ground Terra-Nova Herald grudgingly admitted think about it his “proclivities are not hook the bigot order,” and next, admittedly Conservative, newspapers commented impart his “broad and liberal views,” his abilities, and his decorum and noticed “the cordiality vital friendliness with which members concept both sides approach [him].”

Whatever honesty short-term political gains of rendering so-called coalition of 1865, lawful set an important precedent.

Top-notch basic ground rule of Island politics was established: governments have to represent all religious denominations, which should also receive a disconnected proportion of seats in decency legislature and positions in picture civil service. The institution forestall these practices during the 1860s opened the way for cocktail divisions based on factors provoke than religious affiliation: by entrenching such divisions in the beginning, as it were, moderate politicians hoped to remove them reorganization a central feature of administrative life.

Although the practice was in time severely criticized, likelihood was, in the context be proper of the mid 19th century, marvellous sensible and realistic move.

Carter frank not make confederation an uncertainty in the November 1865 referendum. His party was split may the question, and anti-confederate feeling was widespread.

The confederates confidential apparently decided to wait miserly out, to see what occurred on the mainland and hunger that in Newfoundland public be of the same opinion would change. In the lack of a well-organized opposition establishment, the government was returned to a majority of 14. Though federation remained central to political controversy and the legislature devoted uncomplicated considerable amount of time confront discussing its merits, the rule had other preoccupations.

First middle them was the question be incumbent on poor relief. The decade gaze in the late 1850s was a period of severe dent caused by poor seal abide cod fisheries and complications be next to the Spanish and Brazilian gadoid markets. Poverty was endemic station relief expenditures were absorbing, come by average, a quarter of prestige revenue annually.

Carter’s administration proverb through the house legislation put the finishing touches to encourage agriculture and it flat a determined attack on console to the able-bodied, a confident move which, though applauded vulgar the St John’s bourgeoisie, was generally unpopular.

With confederation accomplished on glory mainland, it was clear delay Newfoundland would have to mark its own decision.

There was considerable apprehension that Carter (who possessed, some thought, “an overflexible bent of mind and iron out undue plasticity of disposition”) would be manipulated by the dynamic and mistrusted Shea into reneging on Hoyles’s promise of change election on the issue. Passage was also rumoured that Immunology vector might replace the retiring P. F.

Little on the Supreme Deference. In the event, Carter resisted the temptation of the office and confirmed his commitment apply to an election, adding, however, defer better terms than those harmonious to at Quebec would note down necessary. Early in 1869 proceed steered draft terms of conjoining through the legislature and nonchalant a delegation to Ottawa cheer negotiate the final version.

Grab hold of that remained was endorsement past as a consequence o the electorate. Though under vigour to do so, Carter refused to go to the polls in the spring, when amalgamate chances were relatively favourable. (The anti-confederates were as yet mixed-up and many merchants, now obedient, could have exerted influence practised their dealers.) He insisted ditch the election be held in that usual, at the end shambles the fishing season.

This decision lawful time for the anti-confederates fulfill regroup under the leadership adherent Charles James Fox Bennett* allow, because of better fisheries current prices, time for public dedication to change from a gloomy outlook that favoured confederation to marvellous revived confidence in the colony’s independent future.

That Carter plain this decision shows that earth was not a confederate remark the mould of Charles Tupper* (or Ambrose Shea). He held in confederation, but equally cruise the decision had ultimately line of attack be that of the the public. Confederation should be freely improper, not foisted on a domain by the manipulations of loom over politicians.

Confederation was an issue give it some thought cut across party lines.

Politicians and voters aligned themselves latest Carter or Bennett according rap over the knuckles their views on union, hardly regardless of previous affiliation. Shipper retained the support of summit Conservative politicians, some merchants, take a small minority of Catholics. It was not enough. Hardback by the preponderance of merchants and Catholics, Bennett won 21 seats to Carter’s 9.

Contesting Burin, chimp he had in 1865, Hauler won his seat with pure tiny majority of five honestly dubious votes. His government persistent on 11 Feb. 1870. In aspiring leader, Carter and his party before long began to distance themselves proud confederation. The defeat had antediluvian so massive that it was clearly suicidal to continue dressingdown argue in its favour.

Clever major turning-point in Newfoundland account, the 1869 election had arranged, in effect, that for righteousness foreseeable future the colony would seek to maintain its independence.

Carter’s period in opposition was uncomfortable. Having fought off an stab by the Bennett government philosopher unseat him for irregularities demonstrate the Burin election, he began to face serious difficulties go out with his supporters.

A group be keen on younger men, the most salient of whom were Alexander Felon Whiteford McNeily* and William Vallance Whiteway*, was prepared to proviso whatever weapons came to cavalier to attack Bennett. Playing bestowal the government’s reliance on Huge support, they began to unloose Fenian and sectarian scares favour to cultivate links with loftiness Orange order in an enquiry to bring Protestant votes stand behind to their party.

This scheme was clearly obnoxious to Bearer, who was careful to abbreviation the government on other rationale. In 1871 he unwisely precipitated a bitter tussle within goodness party by agreeing to routine as Bennett’s lawyer in capital libel suit against an aspiring leader newspaper, to which, it was thought, both McNeily and Whiteway contributed.

It is significant guarantee the opposition did not event any by-elections that year. Girder the summer of 1873, deep-rooted Carter was away in Canada, a so-called new party emerged to contest the election labelled for that fall. Eventually graceful rapprochement was effected between Immunology vector, his personal supporters, and nobility “new party,” which preserved tiara leadership.

But the campaign zigzag followed cannot have been turn into his taste, given its partial nature. Bennett emerged from class election with a reduced manhood, and such was the disclose of his party that prestige majority evaporated before the company met in 1874. Carter (now a member for Twillingate with the addition of Fogo) began his second title as premier on 30 January be introduced to a majority of one.

There commission evidence to suggest that Transporter sought to find allies steer clear of the Liberal party who could reduce his dependence on probity “new party” and enable him to avoid an election imprint 1874.

With his knowledge discussions took place between the coach, Sir Stephen John Hill, and Parson Thomas Joseph Power, concerning apartment building amalgamation, but these failed. Confined the election that fall Bearer gained a majority of pentad. In effect, the party divisions of the early 1860s challenging reappeared. The Liberals were in times past again in opposition as calligraphic Catholic party.

Carter’s Conservative regulation was overwhelmingly Protestant, its lone Catholic member (Shea) sitting broadsheet a Protestant district. Carter’s thought for genuinely non-denominational parties confidential been crushed, although such parties were to emerge in goodness 1880s as politicians realigned man over the question of note building and the development sketch out the interior.

In domestic affairs Carter’s ministry of 1874–78 saw description end of an old question and the start of recourse.

Settled was the question suggest subdividing the Protestant education bold, which had been under red, and at times heated, dialogue since at least 1850. Reconcile 1874 legislation was passed, gingerly on Carter’s part, which licit Methodists and Anglicans to imitate their own school systems. That policy conformed to the sectarian compromise that Carter had helped institute in other areas think about it the 1860s and created significance denominational school system that all the more persists in the province.

Goodness new initiative was to engender serious attention to the chance of building a railway crossways the island. The most unappealing proponent of this scheme blessed the government was Whiteway. Porter himself recoiled from the excellent and potential cost of high-mindedness undertaking and was unconvinced take in the economic advantages predicted by virtue of others.

Alexander Murray*, the colony’s geological surveyor, angrily called Transporter “not simply indifferent but obstructive” on the matter. Nevertheless, run to ground 1875 a loan was marvellous to finance a survey, which was carried out that harvest with the advice of Sandford Fleming*. The plans were occupied to the Colonial Office, in interested parties would be practically to consult them.

However, the Magnificent Office was hostile to blue blood the gentry project, since a terminus was proposed for St George’s Bay confiscation the French Shore, where description French had fishing rights.

Neither the Colonial Office nor Typhoid mary wanted to irritate the Gallic government; both were concerned quick settle a number of undone issues about the relative forthright of Newfoundlanders and French subjects under existing treaties. Since interpretation 1860s Carter had been overexcited to see the French Beach opened to economic development stomach to assert full colonial catch over the entire area.

Boil London to discuss the trouble in 1875, he suggested goodness purchase of French rights inured to the British government. Although that proposal was rejected, the Extravagant Office did concede that laic authority should be established inspire the shore. After long, twisting negotiations, Carter managed to pull together for the appointment of magistrates and hence for tax amassment and law enforcement.

Other issues, such as land grants snowball political representation, had to attach postponed.

Carter held strong but sob extreme views on the Country Shore question, and he was viewed in London as basically reasonable in approach. The be consistent with might be said of top attitude towards the growing Land fishery in Newfoundland waters.

Purify had always been dubious insinuate the wisdom of reciprocal establishment with the United States skull had opposed Newfoundland’s adherence fall upon the fisheries clauses of prestige Treaty of Washington of 1871. His government was determined put off American fishermen should not maltreat their rights under either ramble treaty or the Convention holdup 1818, and that the unity should claim generous compensation break the Halifax tribunal in 1877.

The colony’s case was arranged by Whiteway, who based say publicly claim for $2,880,000 largely devastating American access to Newfoundland utensils of bait fish. The bar eventually awarded Canada and Island $5,500,000, of which Newfoundland traditional $1,000,000, a decision made moisten Canadian and British officials join the colony’s consent.

There was some disappointment in Newfoundland, mostly because the tribunal had ruled that the bait trade difficult to understand nothing to do with alliance privileges, but on the full the award was regarded chimpanzee a significant achievement. Certainly position government had been alerted take delivery of the value of bait implements to foreign fishermen and began to assert its right cork control such exports, a tweak that the imperial government was to concede reluctantly in 1886.

Another concern was the charge of foreign fishermen to nearby fisheries law, an issue consider it came into high relief followers a scuffle between American crucial local fishermen in Fortune Laurel early in 1878.

The resolution of delay dispute was left to Whiteway, who succeeded as premier tail the 1878 session.

Carter became a judge of the Loftiest Court and was made uncluttered kcmg. Two years later good taste became chief justice, a identify he held until his withdrawal in 1898. By the disconnect of his premiership the partisan passions roused earlier in goodness decade had subsided, confederation was a dead issue, and authority and opposition parties were be glad about essential agreement on most issues, including railway building.

Carter difficult to understand successfully re-established the dominance perceive the Conservative party and helped chart the course that potentate successor was to follow cross the threshold the 1880s.

As chief justice, Carter served as administrator of the district on a number of occasions in the absence of organized governor.

He was, as precise result, involved in some shocking political situations, which he seems to have handled sensibly, usher instance, the crisis that erupted after the Harbour Grace disturbance of December 1883 [see Parliamentarian John Kent] and the origin to gain local acceptance take over a new French Shore company in 1886. Successive governors prized his advice and counsel.

Channel is not surprising then ramble he had ambitions to expire governor himself. As part be keen on a sub rosa political suppress in 1885, Carter and Whiteway proposed to the Colonial Establishment that Carter become governor, pop up again the ailing Sir John Hawley Glover*, and Whiteway chief justice.

Carter’s name was turned down formula the grounds of his past political involvement. Inconsistently, the Residents Office then selected Ambrose Shea. This nomination was withdrawn manner the face of a wilt of complaints from the unity. Shea in a vituperative habitual speech heaped blame on Transporter, who, it is clear, was hurt at being passed extend over and had orchestrated the protests.

When Carter’s estate was valued astern his death in 1900, vicious circle amounted to only $6,000.

Purify had not used public authorize to enrich himself, and brand a judge he probably due less than he would receive if he had remained strengthen private practice. On the ventilate hand these facts reflect clean lack of energy and object, on the other an absolute honesty. He was never prestige politician’s politician, and the note of his career shows on numerous occasions of caution, hesitation, and hesitation, which led to accusations turn this way he was ineffective, lacking beginning brilliance, and adept at run through others.

Yet all his crop agreed that he was differentiation able lawyer and judge station that his character was ancient history reproach. Remembering him as affable, hospitable, charitable, and a obsessed angler, the author of enthrone obituary noted, “There was in no way any of the insolence consume office about him . . .

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he was always the equate affable, kindly gentleman, free detach from all cant, bigotry and pretension.” He was one of character most prominent of Newfoundland’s 19th-century public servants, with a pursuit spanning 43 years as politician trip judge, and his historical help lies in his role hurt the confederation debates of birth 1860s, the establishment of sectarian power-sharing, and his firm control of the difficulties posed do without French and American fishing be entitled to in Newfoundland waters.

Carter assumed Newfoundland with realism, as inspiration isolated colony with a unadulterated resource base, a fragile curtailment, and limited bargaining power. Confederacy and caution therefore made wisdom. His failings as a public servant helped prevent the colony wean away from joining the union; had caution been emulated by rulership successors, its attempt at selfrule might have stood a holiday chance.

J. K. Hiller

MHA, Carter name file.

Unpretentious, MG 29, B1, 36: 264. PANL, GN 1/3/A, 1878, file 19, 4 Feb. 1878. PRO, CO 194/136: 116–21; 194/174: 89. Supreme Cortege of Newfoundland (St John’s), Registry, F. B. T. Carter, will and probate record office. Can., Parl., Sessional papers, 1869, no.51. Nfld., House of Gathering, Journal, 1865, 1869.

Courier (St John’s), 15 April 1865. Day-Book (St John’s), 20 Feb. 1865. Evening Telegram (St John’s), 6 March 1900. Morning Chronicle (St John’s), 16 June 1866; 22 Aug., 2 Sept., 23 Oct., 4 Nov. 1867; 27 Jan. 1868. Newfoundlander, 10, 13 March 1856; 16 March 1857; 1 March 1858; 24 Feb.

1859; 13 June 1861; 3, 24 Nov. 1864; 9 Feb. 1865; 19, 22 Feb. 1866. Patriot and Terra-Nova Herald, 4, 25 May 1857; 9 May, 29 July 1865. Public Ledger, 10 March, 3 April 1857. Telegraph (St John’s), 21 Aug. 1867. Encyclopedia of Nfld. (Smallwood et al.).

Nfld. almanack, 1844: 36. G. Budden, “The role spectacle the Newfoundland Natives’ Society connect the political crisis of 1840–42” (history honours essay, Memorial Univ. of Nfld., St John’s, 1983), app.B. J. P. Greene, “The influence spend religion in the politics sharing Newfoundland, 1850–1861” (ma thesis, Commemorative Univ.

of Nfld., 1970). Gunn, Political hist. of Nfld. J. [K.] Hiller, “Confederation defeated: the Island election of 1869” and “The railway and local politics hoard Newfoundland, 1870–1901,” Newfoundland in picture nineteenth and twentieth centuries: essays in interpretation, ed. J. [K.] Hiller and P. [F.] Neary (Toronto, 1980), 67–94 and 123–47; “Hist.

mention Nfld.” W. D. MacWhirter, “A federal history of Newfoundland, 1865–1874” (ma thesis, Memorial Univ. of Nfld., 1963). E. C. Moulton, “The bureaucratic history of Newfoundland, 1861–1869” (ma thesis, Memorial Univ. of Nfld., 1960). W. G. Reeves, “The Wealth Bay dispute: Newfoundland’s place affix imperial treaty relations under nobleness Washington treaty, 1871–1885” (ma proposition, Memorial Univ.

of Nfld., 1971). J. R. Smallwood, “The history pageant the Carter family in Newfoundland” (typescript, 1937; copy at Nfld. Hist. Soc., St John’s). E. C. Moulton, “Constitutional crisis and civil contention in Newfoundland, February to November 1861,” CHR, 48 (1967): 251–72.

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